FDRL yifatanyije na RNC,iryavuzwe riratashye!

Amakuru agera kukinyamakuru inyangenews,aravuga ko,kuva intambara yaberaga muri congo yarihuje Urwanda na M23 inyeshyamba zarwanyaga leta ya congo,maze Urwanda rugatsindwa iyo ntambara kumugaragaro aho Urwanda rwakozwe n’isoni imbere ya mahanga.

Ubu amakuru agera kukinyamakuru inyangenews aravuga yuko ngo leta ya congo yamaze gutanga inzira iyiha abatavuga rumwe na leta ya FPR na Kagame,ngo baba bamaze kwemererwa inzira kugirango bave mugihugu cya congo bamazemo imyaka irenze 20 barwanira kubutaka bw’icyo gihugu.

Amakuru aravuga ko ngo RNC ifatanyije na FDRL ngo biyemeje kurwanya leta yigitugu ya kagame,kuburyo mu mwaka utaha mu ntangiriro zawo bashobora kuba biteguye gufata nibura intara imwe y’Urwanda.

Ubu amakuru afite gihsmys ni uko abarebulike batavuga rumwe na leta y’Urwanda ngo bagiye kwishyirahamwe kugirango barebe ko barandura ubutegetsi bwa FPR burundu.

Indagu za Magayane zirasohoye kandi kuko zivuga yuko rwara rw’umugara nabyutsa umugara igihuru kizabyara igihunyira ,rwara rw’umugara uvugwa hano bimaze kugaragara yuko ari FDRL na RNC mu magambo ahinnye kubasha kumva ikivugwa yabasha gusibanukirwa ntakibazo.

Urwanda rero mu mwaka wa 2014 rukaba rwiteguye kwinjira mu ntambara rumaze igihe rwifuza,kandi rutizera kuzayitsinda kuko ibyahanuwe bibasohoreyeho,kugirango abiringiye ibigirwamana bamenye ko hari Imana mu ijuru.

In Iran’s political establishment, as in others, there are often opportunistic figures who change their colors and views, apparently based on what they might gain politically and economically.

A current example is Reza Moridi, a Canadian citizen originally from Iran, who is currently a Member of Provincial Parliament (MPP) in Ontario and the provincial government’s Minister of Research and Innovation.

Originally, to benefit from the votes of Iranian-Canadian constituents, Moridi strongly opposed human rights abuses committed by the Iranian regime and rejected the idea of rapprochement with Iran, currently the world leader per capita in executing people.

Previously, he had written a letter to Canada’s then prime minister, Stephen Harper, urging “the Government of Canada to continue speaking out against the restrictions on free speech and democracy in Iran” and arguing that “The Iranian people must have the opportunity to voice their opinions freely and without fear of harm.”

But his position soon changed dramatically. Suddenly, the Iranian regime’s human rights violations, oppression, and interventions in other countries became less of an issue. He recently met with Canada’s External Affairs Minister, Stephane Dion, to discuss further rapprochement with Iran’s regime, and is currently calling on the Canadian government to re-open its embassy in Tehran.

Canada severed diplomatic ties with the Iranian regime in September 2012 to protest the support of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) for the Syrian regime, as well as to protest Iran’s financial, intelligence and military assistance to Syria’s President Bashar Assad. Iran’s support has made it a partner in the Syrian regime’s bombing and killing of hundreds of thousands of civilians, and thereby complicit in Syria’s crimes against humanity. Other crucial reasons included threats by Iran’s leaders against Israel, as well as fears for the safety of Canadian diplomats when Iran breached international laws and began attacking foreign embassies in Tehran.

Through his policy shifts, Mr. Moridi has been totally disregarding Iran’s and the Syrian regime’s brutality, dehumanization, and subjugation of people. He has also been disregarding Iran’s expansionist, imperialistic policies, Iran’s threats to Israel, and Iran’s violations of international and diplomatic norms. One would wonder whether Mr. Moridi is trying to pave the way to become the Canadian ambassador to Iran and serve Iran’s interests?

Moridi has also been pressing the Canadian government to allow the Islamic Republic to reopen its embassy in Canada. Such a move would invite the Iranian regime to set foot in Canada, and further spread the anti-Western, anti-American and anti-Semitic propaganda of Iran’s current Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei.

Reopening the Iranian Embassy in Canada would also help the powerful IRGC to penetrate Canada’s society and exert its extremist Islamist influence there.

In an event in Ontario marking the third anniversary of Iran’s rigged elections, and where the keynote speaker was someone who used to work with Iranian officials, Moridi stated that it was not a problem if someone worked for the Iranian regime for many years and then distanced himself from it. That means if someone helped Iran’s regime in killing thousands of people for many years and stealing their property, and suddenly decided to leave the powers that be in Iran, he should not be held accountable?

In a recent meeting with Stephan Dion, Canada’s foreign minister, Moridi also expressed the opinion that Canadian businesses are falling behind in doing business with Iran. As Iran’s economy is controlled by the IRGC and the Supreme Leader, any business conducted on a state level only empowers and emboldens Khamenei, increases the stranglehold of IRGC and its Quds Force branch, which operates in foreign countries. Increased business with Iran would further help these organizations support Syria’s dictator, Hezbollah and Shiite militia groups, and extend its ideological influence in the Middle East and beyond. This begs the question of whether Mr. Moridi has established connections with the Iranian business owners in Iran and Canada who are linked to IRGC.

Changing colors appears to be a normal condition for Moridi, and occurs in other contexts as well. To gain the votes of Iranian-Canadians, Mr. Moridi projects himself as the representative of the Iranians in Canada. But the real question is: is he representing the Canadian-Iranian community in Canada, or was he just collecting their votes to represent the Iranian and the Azerbaijani governments to Canada?

Reza Moridi is pictured above in a 2012 campaign video for Ontario Liberal Party leader Kathleen Wynne.

In an interview with the state media outlet of the Azerbaijani government, Moridi has been declaring his support for the authoritarian government of Azerbaijan — where a majority of the population are Shiite Muslim and a few politicians on top seem to have accumulated most of the nation’s wealth

It is often hard to tell if is Moridi representing the Iranian-Canadians or Azerbaijan. Is he an advocate of Azerbaijani separatism from Iran? In this video and statement to the Legislative Assembly of Ontario in Toronto, he seems to be lobbying for the Azerbaijani government and representing them, rather than the Iranian-Canadians. He calls Azerbaijan a democracy. He ignores reports by Human Rights Watch that this is a country known for its human rights violations, torture and corruption. This issue also begs the question whether he is obtaining financial gains from politicians in Azerbaijan. He also reportedly argued that Azerbaijanis should be more organized and coordinated in denying the Armenian genocide, and that Azerbaijanis in Canada should also put more efforts in denying the Armenian genocide.

But when Moridi faces Iranians in Canada or appears on Iranian media outlets, he shows his other face, arguing that he is their representative and that he advances their cultural and political interests.

Although Moridi has ridden to his present position on the votes of Iranians in Canada, he has changed faces and seems to be representing the interests of several other governments and institutions — including the Iranian regime, the IRGC business empire and its links in Iran and Canada, and the Azerbaijani government — and not the cultural and political interests of Canada or the Iranian-Canadians who gave him a seat in the Ontario government.

Dr. Majid Rafizadeh is an Iranian-American political scientist, Harvard scholar, and president of the International American Council on the Middle East.

Kuva mu myaka 53 ishize hasnywe ubwami bw’Urwanda,ubwoko bw;ubutegetsi bwitwa abarepulike bananiwe kugaragariza abanyarwanda ko bashoboye gukora ibihesha amahoro abanyaanda.Ibyo bigaragazwa na za repubulika zagiye zitegeka ari nako zihohotera abaturage zishinzwe kuyobora cyane bagenda bitwaza amoko nyamara kugeza ubu byaragaragaye ko amoko mu Rwanda akoreshwa nk’intwaro yokugera kubutegetsi.

Ariko abanyarwanda muri rusange ntacyo bibamariye,kuko icyo abanyarwanda twifuza n’amahoro kabone naho twategekwa n’umunyamahanga,ariko igihugu tukakibamo ntanyarwanda uhohoterwa n’ubutegetsi.

Byatangiye byitwa revolisiyo yoguhirika ubwami,bifata indi ntera ya kudeta abakinga bigaranzura abanyanduga,byitwa kwimikaza umuco wa mahoro,abanyenduga barahashirira abakiga bima ingoma,abatutsi bari hanze baraza bahirika ubutegetsi bw’igitugu bwa Habyarimana nakazu ke,FPR,yima ingoma aha ntitwavuga ko abatutsi har’icyo ubwo butegetsi bwabamariye kuko bwabaye ubwagatsiko kabatutsi baturutse mu gihugu cy’Ubugande ariko nabo si bose kuko barimo ibice (2) KAHUNGE ababaga mu nkambi zimpunzi zirimo ba Kagame,Kayumba,kabarebe,Kayunga,Karegeya Karenzi kareke”KKKKKK” nabandi nkabo na CHAKURA GANDA barimo Rwahama,Nduguteye,etc bivuze ko nabo bahohotewe nabo bafatanije kubohora igihugu barangije barakiboha.

Umwakagara yagerageje kwigizayo abantu bose abona ko bafite inyota y’ubutegetsi kugirango abashe kubwiharira,yakoresheje amarozi mu gihe abanyarwanda bari bagihuzagurika,abandi arabafunga,abandi baramuhunga basubira mu mahanga.

Ageze kubahutu bo abahindura akarima ke,abikoreza jenicide nabo baremera barayikorera kuko ntayindi nzira bari bafite yo kuyihunga kuko bavomye hafi bagwa mu mutego wo kwica abatutsi wagirango hari icyo bapfaga,maze amahanga aramushyigikira byemezwa na loni kuko byari ukuri.

Kayumba agize ngo amubwire ko akwiye gutegeka manda imwe nawe akamuha amahirwe yo kuba perezida dore bari basangiye amabanga y’ihanurwa ry’indege ya perezida Habyarimana,ati kuva kugiti dore umuntu,ubwo kayumba afata iyubuhungiro.

Ingabire yamanutse aje guhinyuza politiki y’Urwanda ngo arebe ko hari ubwisanzure baririmbaga buri gihe ko mu Rwanda aramahoro bati va ku giti dore bamushyira muri kasho nanubu ntakizere ko azavamo.

Gushyirahamwe kwa Karegeya na Kayumba byabateye inkeke zikomeye babashyira mu mutwe witera bwoba kugirango babone ikirego bireka isi yose kuko ariyo mvugo ubu igezweho babona ntibifata mu bwonko bwabantu,baramwirenza aba aciyeho,abakoranye na kagame yagiye abakoresha amakosa kuko yarazi icyo agendereye bisanga amakosa bakoze ashobora kuzababera inzitizi ariko baranga bahumbya amaso baratandukana batangira kumurwanya.

Aho kugirango abatavuga rumwe na kagame bishyire hamwe ahubwo biciyemo ibice kubera inda nini yabarepubulike barwanira ubutegetsi badateze kubona kuko Imana itabyemera ibinyoma batubeshye muri FPR ngo turarwanira Umwami w’Urwanda bageze kubutegetsi bamubwira ko akwiye gutaha nkabandi banyarwanda ubwo se ko batukaga abahutu ngo nibo birukanye Umwami ko noneho babonye ubutegetsi bakanga kumucyura nk’Umwami ubu cya kinyoma bazagihisha hehe?

MWISAMYE MWASANDAYE:

Reka mvuge nti abahutu mwisamye mwaramaze gusandara kuko amazi yamaze kurenga inkombe,nimushake umusare abambutse naho ubundi ntabwo bizaborohera,impamvu dore mwese ntimuvuga rumwe hari abemera ko jenocide yakorewe abatutsi yakozwe kugirango bibonere umugati.

Hari abatemera ko jenocide yakozwe ahubwo ko ar’ubwicanyi bwakozwe nabene gihugu kubera ubutegetsi bubi,ariko kuva byaramaze kwemezwa na loni nta kuntu mwabihakana nyamara ar’ibintu bigaragara,guhakana jenocide ni ukwiyongera abanzi ahubwo nimuvuge ko mwayitewe na kagame kuko yahanuye indege ya Habyara aho muzabona abantu benshi babajya inyuma kugirango ikinyoma cya kagame kijye ahagaragara.

Ariko nimukomeza guhakana jenocide nyamara mubizi neza ko mwayikoze, nababatutsi bari babashyigikiye kubera kagame yababujije amahwemo,kugirango mwishyire hamwe murebe ko mwamukuraho,bizabapfana izo mbaraga muzazibura.

Twagiramungu n’uruvu,uko yahindutse Habyarimana ninako azabahinduka,aho kwifatanya nawe napfa kwifatanya na RNC,nubwo nabo Atari shyashya kuko nibura RNC yazabakenera kubakoresha mukabona uruvugiro ariko nabo ntakizere kuko Umwami nawe s’umwana ntimuzongera kumufatana ubutegetsi nk’uko mwabigenje mbere.

Nibyo ibyo muvuga koko abatutsi bomu Rwanda kagame yabagize igitamgo kugirango abone impamvu azabaregesha imbere yahamanga,ikibabaje ni uko ntacyo yabamariye,reka bamubyinire kuko ubuze uko agira agwa neza,kandi burya akebo kajya iwamugarura.

Ubuhanuzi bugaragaza ko Umwami azasubira ku ngoma,fdlr izarwana ariko ntabwo izafata igihugu,RNC nayo ni uko,ubwo rero mu menye neza ko ubwicanyi buzaba mu Rwanda byanze bikunze nabwo hari abazabubazwa nyuma yicyo gihe ibya jenocide bimaze gusobanuka iyindi iri nyuma nayo ibyayo tuzabimenya icyo gihe.

Dore impamvu Twagiramungu atakwizerwa umuntu watse nomero za telephone muri MTN ubwo yari Minisitiri w’Intebe yatse +2508597394 ubwo urumva uwo musaza noneho nagera ikigali nyuma yo kuvaho kwa azongera 14 cyangwa 15,abameze batyo ntibakwiye kuyobora uRwanda.Kuko adashobora kunga abanyarwanda arashaka guhorera sebukwe Georgoire Kayibanda.

Homegrown terrorism inspired by the Islamic State poses the dominant threat to the national security of the United Kingdom, according to a comprehensive new report on violent Islamism in Britain.

The 1,000-page report — “Islamist Terrorism: Analysis of Offenses and Attacks in the UK (1998–2015)” — was published on March 5 by the Henry Jackson Society, a foreign policy think tank based in London.

The report, authored by terrorism researcher Hanna Stuart, identifies, profiles and analyzes all 269 Islamism-inspired terrorism convictions and suicide attacks in the United Kingdom between 1998 and 2015.

The report also compares data between 1998 and 2010, a period when al-Qaeda reached its zenith, and 2011 and 2015, the period following the death of Osama bin Laden in May 2011, the uprisings known as the Arab Spring, and the rise of the Islamic State in 2014.

The report shows that young British males were the most prevalent offenders, but that involvement by British females nearly tripled in recent years.

The report found little to no correlation between involvement in Islamic terrorism and educational achievement and employment status. In addition, most of the offenders were based in London and Birmingham, and a majority were living at their family homes with parents, siblings, spouses and/or children. “These findings challenge common stereotypes of terrorists as well-educated and middle-class or as isolated loners,” according to the report.

While most offenders were raised as Muslim, one in six was a convert. Three-quarters of offenders were previously known to the authorities; one-quarter had a previous criminal conviction. One in five offenders received terrorist training abroad or engaged in combat prior to arrest.

The report cites the internet as a major source for the inspiration of offenders. At the same time, most offenders belonged to wider networks, formed in person and online, with friends and families. Only one in ten offenses was carried out by someone who acted entirely alone and had no extremist connections.

“The increased prevalence of smaller cells and individualistic offending, suggests a rise in terrorism cases that feature shorter lead times to offending and fewer opportunities for identification,” the report warns.

The report’s main findings include:

• The overwhelming majority (93%) of Islamism-related offenses (IROs) were committed by males. Females accounted for 4% of IROs between 1998 and 2010 and 11% of IROs between 2011 and 2015 — an increase of 175%.
• IROs were carried out by individuals between the ages of 14 and 52 years. Forty-six percent of 2011–2015 offenses were committed by individuals aged under 25, a small increase from 42% for 1998–2010 offenses. The most common age ranges overall, and across both time periods, were 21–24 and 25–29.
• Seventy-two percent of IROs were committed by British nationals or individuals holding dual British nationality. There was almost no difference between the earlier and later time periods (72% and 71% respectively).
• More than half (52%) of IROs were committed by individuals of South Asian ancestry, i.e., British-Pakistanis (25%) and British-Bangladeshis (8%). Other offenders had family ties to countries in Africa, the Middle East and the Caribbean.
• Forty-seven percent of IROs were committed by individuals who were born in the UK. More than a third (38%) of those born outside of the UK or of unspecified birthplace were raised (at some point before the age of 18) in the UK. As a result, 67% of IROs were committed by individuals who were either born or raised in the UK.
• London was the place of residence of 43% of IROs, followed by West Midlands, with 18%. Of the latter, 80% (14% overall) were in Birmingham. The third most common region was North West England, with 10% of IROs. Together these three regions contained the residences in almost three-quarters (72%) of cases. No other region contained 10% of residences.
• Across both time periods, East London was home to half (50%) of London-based offenders, while the three most common boroughs — Tower Hamlets, Newham and Waltham Forest — contained the offenders’ residence in 38% of all Londoner IROs (and 16% overall).
• Just over a quarter (26%) of individuals who committed IROs had some form of higher education. More than a third (36%) had studied for or achieved secondary level, further education or vocational qualifications, while in 38% of cases, attainment is unspecified.
• Thirty-five percent of IROs were committed by individuals in employment; a further 12% were full-time students. Therefore, almost half (47%) of IROs were committed by those in either employment or education.
• Thirty-eight percent of IROs were committed by individuals who were unemployed. Of these, almost one-quarter (24%, 9% overall) were in or had recently been released from detention or had recently left full-time education or returned from months-long foreign travel.
• Sixteen percent of IROs were committed by individuals known to have converted to Islam. This is more than four times higher than the estimated proportion of converts among the Muslim population at the national level.
• More than half (55%) of IROs were committed by individuals either living with family, such as with a partner and/or children (28%), or living at their family home, such as with parents and siblings (27%).
• One in five IROs (21%) was committed by an individual whose living arrangements and family circumstances were additionally linked to terrorism or a terrorism investigation. In 55% of these cases, individuals were convicted alongside relatives and/or a partner or they were part of the same cell.
• Female offenders were more than twice as likely as male offenders to be living with a partner, relative or individual who is also involved in terrorism (50% and 19% respectively).
• Seventy-six percent of IROs were committed by individuals who were previously known to the authorities; 38% were committed by individuals with previous criminal convictions. More than a third (36%, 9% overall) of previous convictions were for extremism- or terrorism-related activities; almost half (46%, 12% overall) of individuals with prior convictions had previously received a prison sentence.
• A total of 386 charges were successfully prosecuted in 264 convictions between 1998 and 2015. The most common offenses were preparation for acts of terrorism (27%) and possession/collection of information useful for terrorism (14%), followed by fundraising offenses (8%), dissemination of terrorist publications and conspiracy to murder (both 6%) as well as conspiracy to cause explosions and assisting offenders (both 5%).
• More than two-thirds (69%) of IROs were secured under terrorism legislation; just over half (54%) of defendants pled guilty. 2011–2015 defendants pled guilty (64%) more often than 1998–2010 defendants (47%).
• The most common sentence was between one year and four years (35%), followed by sentences of between four years and ten years (27%), between ten years and 20 years (15%), and life sentences (13%).
• Of the 33 individuals with a life sentence, 30 attempted or planned to kill others, either in indiscriminate bomb attacks or targeted knife attacks, and received minimum terms ranging from 14 years to life.
• Individuals who committed, attempted or were planning attacks were responsible for 37% of IROs. Among these offenses, bombing was the most commonly featured type of attack (74%). Proportionally, offenses involving beheadings or stabbings increased eleven-fold across the two time periods, from 4% between 1998 and 2010, to 44% between 2011 and 2015.
• Individuals involved in facilitating acts of terrorism, either by fundraising or recruiting or by providing material goods or documentation, or ideologues who encouraged terrorist acts through incitement or by disseminating terrorist publications, were responsible for one-third (33%) of IROs.
• Individuals who demonstrated an interest in terrorism, but whose plans were not advanced enough to pose an imminent threat were responsible for 18% of IROs.
• Individuals whose offenses related to travel (attempted or planned) for terrorist purposes, namely to receive terrorist training or to engage in fighting overseas, were responsible for 12% of IROs. Travel-related IROs increased four-fold across the two time periods (from 5% to 21%).
• Civilian targets were a feature in one-third (33%) of offenses. Infrastructure sectors and institutions, mostly transportation, were a feature in just under one-third (32%) of offenses.
• Urban soft targets (areas into which large numbers of citizens regularly gather for usual activities or special events) were among the intended targets for attack in 31% of offenses. Military targets both overseas (including British or coalition forces) and at home (military bases and processions as well as soldiers) were a feature in almost a quarter (24%) of offenses.
• A total of 117 IROs were committed by individuals directly linked to one or more proscribed terrorist organizations. Of these, 56% were directly linked to the UK-based group al-Muhajiroun (25% overall), 24% were linked to al-Qaeda (10% overall) and 11% were linked to Islamic State (5% overall).
• One fifth (22%) of IROs were committed by individuals who were known or suspected to have attended training camps for terrorist purposes; the majority (78%) were not. Of those with training, most (78%) had trained at camps abroad, 19% had trained at UK-based camps, and in two cases (3%) the location was unspecified.

The report concludes:

“The threat to the UK remains from homegrown terrorism, and is heavily youth- and male-oriented with British nationals prevalent among offenders….

“While analysis of pre-offense behaviors shows that there is no one profile for engagement with Islamism-inspired terrorism, some trends can be identified. Offenders commonly consumed extremist and/or instructional material prior to, or as part of, their offending. Much of the pro-jihadist material accessed promotes ‘them and us’ thinking, dehumanization of the enemy, and attitudes that justify offending….

“Analysis of common sites of inspiration and facilitation appears to corroborate current counter-radicalization policy priorities such as restricting terrorist and violent extremist material on the internet, supporting at-risk sectors and empowering families to safeguard against extremism.”

On May 22, 2013, British soldier Lee Rigby (right, holding his son) was murdered outside London’s Woolwich Barracks by Islamists Michael Adebolajo (left) and Michael Adebowale, who are converts to Islam. Speaking into a camera just after the murder, Adebolajo said: “we swear by the almighty Allah, that we will never stop fighting you until you leave us alone… You people will never be safe.”